From the paper on the conference of the ZK of the KPD in the sport house
The meaning of the today's conference results from the fact that without a doubt by the education of the Hitler government such a taper of the class warfare occurred, as we it since 1918 hardly more to be registered had...
The proletariat and the workers of the whole world look on us and [ on ] the German proletariat. The Russian workers and farmer look on us. The communist brother parties in France, in which Czechoslovakia, and everywhere have Holland shining their solidarity with the heavy fight [ of the German ] proletariats announced. The German party has an important code for the revolutionary upswing in completely Europe in its hand. We may not lose time. Now the coup d'etat threatens. Now the destruction of the party threatens. Now degrees are crucial weeks in highest.
The fight, which is situated before us, is the heaviest, which the party has to exist. It cannot be compared with the years since 1923. It gives a still higher responsibility than even to each communist in the situation at that time. Directly we must seize the offensive, then we have the chance for us.
In order us a clear picture over the new situation, their class-moderate background and the further perspectives to make, wants I now first to try to state the factors which led to the current position. (2)
The other page of the process, which faces these partial successes of the fraud maneuvers of the Bourgeoisie, is the continuation and the further increase of the revolutionary upswing, which Schleicher could not stop. At the beginning of January [ 1933 ] had succeeded it without a doubt temporarily the Bourgeoisie, the SPD and to the Nazis to take to us the offensive something from the hand. Then, in connection with the Buelowplatz provocation of the Hitler gangs, we were able to change over, again into the offensive. what an aggravation of the class warfare showed up occurred. So, as the five to six days Federal Constitutional Court strike (3) in November quite rapidly to a status of revolutionary taper and higher form of the class warfare brought us, then January showed up again and still increased in connection with our Gegenoffensive against the SA provocation at the end of that the PROZEss of RIPENING the REVOLUTIONARY CRISIS in Germany prospered already so far that VERHAELTNISMAessIG can cause SMALL EVENTS RAPID a STORMY ACCELERATION of the REVOLUTIONARY DEVELOPMENT and an extraordinary aggravation of the class warfare...
As much over the emergence history of the Hitler government. Thus the
most important is at the same time said about their
character and its functions.
The cabinet Hitler Hugenberg Papen is the OPEN FASCIST DICTATORSHIP.
Which concerns the composition of the
government, then there can be a further increase in the direction of open fascism in Germany hardly more. Probably however it
gives whole set of possibilities of increasing to this government of the open fascist dictatorship in the methods still another. Each
doubt about it that this government before any Balkan methods (4) of the extreme terror would back-frighten, would be very
IT IS BOURGEOISIE ERNST THEREBY, THE PARTY AND THE WHOLE AVANT-GARDE OF THE WORKING CLASS TOO ZERSCHMETTERN. It therefore no means to leave unversucht, in order to achieve this target. Thus not only destruction of the last meager rights of the workers, not only party prohibition, not only fascist class law, but all forms of the fascist terror; beyond that: Mass internment of communists in concentration camps, lynchjustiz and meuchelmorde at our courageous anti-fascist fighters, in particular at communist leaders - all this belongs to the weapons, whose the open fascist dictatorship will avail itself opposite us.
Already the first days of the Hitler government prove ERNST of the SITUATION to the whole DEPTHS. It would be a crime to bear any legalistic illusions in our series. We must create clarity in the whole working class over the fact that it can probably give no other type of the separation to this government than their revolutionary fall.
That means it that the fall of the Hitler government and the victory of the proletarian revolution must be absolute and the same. We ask the question of the fight for the fall of the Hitler government, the question of the removal of the Hitler Hugenberg government as DIRECT FUNCTION. We place it in each hour, we place it TODAY, we place them to MORNINGS, THE DAY AFTER TOMORROW, we place them in the next weeks and months, without we can say under all circumstances to 100 per cent that, if the fall of the fascist dictatorship succeeds to us this is connected already with the VICTORY of the proletarian revolution DIRECT. We must say that so sharply, because we the most violent campaign of ideological type in the masses AGAINST EACH THEORY of the " GOING BANKRUPT LETTING " of the Hitler government to lead to have. These statements do not close however - I stress that again - by any means out that the fight can change for the fall of the Hitler government at the same time to the FIGHT FOR the FULL POWER of the PROLETARIATS.
Here there may not be a pattern, but only a dialectic view. Neither
we commit ourselves to only fall the Hitler government in the
instant where the situation is already FOR the FULL VICTORY of the PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION HOAR FROST, nor leave we out of consideration that, like the resolutions of the XII. of plenum (5) quite clearly to say, the PERIODS of the
REVOLUTIONARY UPSWING are and for the full development of the revolutionary crisis TODAY MUCH SHORT than in the former paragraph of the history of the proletarian class warfare.
The wild fascist terror in Germany, to which now we approach, does not
modify anything in our revolutionary perspective. An
UNDERESTIMATION of the HITLER GOVERNMENT, which bear terrible DANGER, which threatens the working class of Germany of the open fascist dictatorship, we leave an over-estimation of this government, its FIRMNESS and RUGGEDNESS sowenig to Sowenig we opposite the proletariat too (6)
What is the balance of our past fight against the fascist dictatorship?
We were not capable of preventing putting the fascist
dictatorship up up to the today's open fascist dictatorship although we organized the fight of the masses for it. That is certainly a
serious negative statement.
But in reverse we can say that we disturbed the fascist course of the Bourgeoisie sensitively. We stopped, even in parts back-threw it thereby, as with the breakup of the Papen government. To this positive estimate of our increasing combat capability and thus the increasing combat capability of the working class of Germany we are entitled, without ignoring our weaknesses. Such an positive estimate must be the starting point for our higher revolutionary task.
If we could not achieve no more, so, because we were able to liquidate the influence of the SPD and ADGB leaders as well as the Christian trade union leaders on broad worker masses not in the necessary measure. The lack of our trade union work, workwork work, the lack restrained us with the application of the unit front (7) and in the fight in principle against the social-democratic fraud maneuvers in this fight. We could only to that extent obtain successes in the fight against the fascist dictatorship in the past, like it us succeeded to overcome these lack and thus for the execution of the resolutions of the XII. of plenum, our February plenum (8) and the 3. To arrive a conference of realm party (9).
How is the position today in relation to the Hitler government?
We called general strike with their seizure of power to the strike, to the mass strike. At the same time with the direct mobilization of the masses from down for these passwords we addressed a unit front supply to the SPD, the ADGB, [ ] the AfA federation and the Christian trade unions in the line of the concrete request to execute together with us the general strike. We executed thus in this special situation a combined unit front policy from down and above.
We had successes concerning the execution of demonstrations and the
militaryful mass fight against the fascist murder terror in the mobilization
of the masses. However we could release strikes only to smaller extent.
We must answer therefore the question
whether nevertheless our password was correct. The response can be affirming only. (10)
Do we have to thus expire because of past being missing of larger strikes into a deep pessimism? By no means! Even if expectations were larger than the facts, then there is nevertheless no depression tendencies of larger scope in the masses, but an increasing combat tendency. What takes place at present in completely Germany, the daily demonstrations, collisions, fighting in all sections of the realm, is the best printout for it, as loaded how strained from revolutionary energies the whole atmosphere is.
If in completely Germany no day passes, where not to few places a fire
fight between fascist terror gangs and the workers take
place, it is with communists or realm banner people, then that is certain items of the civil war, which we to see and when our
evaluation the position and the functions to consider have.
tems OF the civil was - is a that very serious statement. Because we
use look revolutionary words NOT up the type, as it did once Heinz
Neumann, who its opportunistische policy with ue berspitzten, banknote-radical
cliches verbr ae mte. The even avoidance of banknote-more radical,
ue berspitzter Phraseologie gives us now the more the opportunity,
in view of the seriousness of the situation with full Autorit ae t of the
party in the masses those outer ss erordentliche Versch ae
rfung the position to get straight. We m ue ssen all ambiguity and fluctuations in the party in this question ue berwinden. If our cadres those political moments of the new development understand correctly w ue rden, w ae RH of the degrees revolution ae of the ren advance already many further, than it is now the case. The Bourgeoisie has the proletariat B ue rgerkrieg erkl ae blanks we is us the seriousness that Situation and whole weightweight weight with this statement f ue r the party bewu ss t.
But see we m ue ssen these things. Because in them dr ue ckt itself a very important appearance out: We have again once
strong appearances to ue ckbleibens behind the masses. One needs this Schw ae the chen party organization not too
to see black, but one mu ss open, around her in time liquidates the eyes to k oe to nnen.
What does it depend on now above all? WE M Ue SSEN ACHIEVING, THERE ss the CHAIN of the MASS INTERNAL MESSAGES AND MASSENK Ae MPFE AGAINST the FASCIST DICTATORSHIP IN COMPLETELY GERMANY of no more ABREI ss T. The revolution ae RH fire mu ss in other places again amplifier ae rkt and entz ue nden always flickers itself, if he at one other place with ue, until no more fire-brigade helps, this revolution ae ren fire is bergehend suffocated to l oe schen. So m ue ssen we in addition come, organizing continuous mass internal messages of the proletariats in all forms, on all areas into those To lead ways. W ue the rde Vernachl ae ssigung the defense of the economic interests of the workers and all ue to brigen works ae tigen layers almost just as heavy danger mean as above all each Oe konomismus, hei ss the t those Vernachl ae ssigung the political fight against the dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie.
That is it, which we place completely f ue r Germany, in addition, f
ue r each individual district as function: A CHAIN
MORE CONTINUOUSLY, TOGETHER INTERLACING AND ITSELF MUTUALLY ABL Oe SENDER INTERNAL
MESSAGES, THE DEVELOPMENT OF ALL FORMS OF THE MASS RESISTANCE AND MASS FIGHT AGAINST THOSE FASCIST DICTATORSHIP. That is the crucial function in the fight for the proletarian majority as in the fight f ue r the implementation of the hegemony of the proletariats ue more ber the ue brigen works ae tigen masses. I m oe chte in this connection a outer ss erordentlich interesting quotation in this connection from the time revolution ae of the ren upswing in Ru ss country over 1912/1913 anf ue hren, the f ue r our situation are very instructive. Lenin writes in January 1913:
" the workers their whole attention toward it to direct, the spontaneously
growing revolution ae ren strike too unterst ue tzen, too amplifier
ae rken to develop to advance it BEWU ss T in order to prepare the farmers
and the troops for the rebellion. If
the strikes the workers entkr ae ften, mu ss one it alternating durchf ue hren, by resting the one l ae ss t and those, itself
recovered, or Kr ' blows ' ae fte hrt. one mu ss k ue rzere strikes ue into the fight f to organize. Sometimes mu ss one strikes
replace by demonstrations. But the most important is, there ss the strikes, the demonstrations, the demonstrations not abrei ss EN, since ss the whole peasantry and the whole army of the persistent fight of the workers experience, there ss the village, even that most remote, sees, since ss in the St ae dten unrest prevails, there ss ' YOUR PEOPLE ' rose. " (11)
The application of such a tactics unabl ae of the ssigen fight, the
continuous mass internal messages places even those to us
Function to risk everything around m oe resembled rapidly the many section internal messages and Teilk ae mpfe to gro ss the EN, global Mass strike to increase to the general strike.
In this connection, comrade, a serious Erw ae gung: If the realm tag elections of 5. M ae computer centre the national socialist,forwards w bring ue rden to everything in the country and perhaps at expense of the German national ones, more or less a g ue nstiges result, it is, very probably there ss the Hitler party such a tendency f ue r further fascist coup d'etat internal messages for strengthening and extension of their power will use. We have knowledge of the Pl ae the nen national socialists, a march on Berlin in the Anschlu ss at the 5. M ae computer centre durchzuf ue hren. With such a concentration of their own Milit itself those want aerformationen Nazis more or less unabh ae ngig of the German national government colleagues and also of the realm resistance and police make, in order to bring these legal power instruments of the state so well completely under their Einflu ss.
One mu ss sees, there ss zwangsl the ae ufig developing decomposition
appearances in the executive bodies, particularly in the
police, as long as these are not yet by Hitler fascism filled and by it assimilated, a certain relief f ue r ours
Fight represent. Succeeds to the Nazis with the help of such a march on Berlin or other further more fascistically
Coup d'etat internal messages the Durchf ue hrung such Pl ae ne to S ae uberung and fascistization of the executive bodies and for strengthening their positions of power, then that worsens the combat situation of the proletariats.
Gung, comrades, mu ss us to start with all Ernst there ss we arrange
such Erw ae ALREADY BEFOREHAND AND
ANYHOW DIRECT AGAINST SUCH FURTHER FASCIST INTERNAL MESSAGES THE WHOLE STRENGTH THAT A PARTY USING, AROUND the REVOLUTION Ae REN MASS FIGHT AGAINST FASCISM TO the H Oe
CHSTEN DEVELOPMENT TO BRINGING.
Of gr oe ss ter importance is it to bring the whole party into such
a status there ss it itself in h oe of chster alert stand-by
, and at any time ss for the increase of the fight, to the Ausl oe finds each suitable Anla sung from mass strikes to
To use general strike. Thus: Watchfulness, initiative, Fingerspitzengef ue hl f ue r the life of the masses, around each instant those oe nnen publicises correct combat draw to k. R Ue CKHALTLOSE PROVOKING of ALL FORMS of the POLITICAL ONES AND ECONOMIC TAGESK Ae MPFE AND INTERNAL MESSAGES, TEILK Ae MPFE, PARTIAL STRIKE etc., FIXED, DECIDED COURSE ON THE POLITICAL GENERAL STRIKE!
This line, which we in all past calls of the central committee with
the password: Strike - mass strike - general strike! concretely
zusammengefa ss t have, apply it, to intersperse in practice. That is the line of our revolution ae ren mass fight f ue r that
Fall of the Hitler dictatorship. With this line we become the internal Widerspr ue che of the government at the same time, in it
stored explosive to the Entz ue ndung bring. (12)
Against ue more ber such comrades, who think now, the party is forbidden perhaps still before the elections, therefore one does not need Election campaign more to f ue hren, m ue ssen we say, since ss we unfold the all only ae rkste Aktivit ae t in the opposite m ue ssen. We m ue ssen the Hitler government before the masses as regime of the fascist terror, the capitalistic Aushungerung and of the imperialistic war, when government of the capitalists and Gro expose ss basic owners. We m ue the ssen parliamentary, democratic and legalistic illusions in the masses in sch ae rfsten ideological fight against betr the ue gerischen slogans the SPD eliminate. We m ue the ssen fight for the social-democratic workers to the participation in common internal messages and K ae mpfen against the fascist dictatorship on st ae rkste increases. We m ue ssen ue berall common mass self protection raw up, a patrol service in the worker quarters, the M oe glichkeit rapid alerting of the workers approximately fascist Ue berf ae lle etc. organizes. We m ue ssen anl ae ss lich the threateningly which is approaching party prohibition the role of the party ever more clearly than the only party of a real, positive way out of the crisis, than the only party of the defense that To interests works ae tigen masses work out. We m ue the ssen Aktivit ae t f ue r the protection of the party and the proletarian F ue more hrer for development bring along and such a tendency in the masses create, there ss a prohibition of the KPD of the masses the development gr the oe ss ten combat internal message one answers. We m ue ssen anl ae ss lich the forthcoming strike prohibition those Creation of illegal operational strike funds finally into the act transfer.
We m ue a ssen z ue ndende mass work among the farmers, whom kleinbauern
and agricultural workers unfold, because in the country those st
ae rkste base f ue r the fascist dictatorship and the Nazibewegung is available.
We d ue the rfen farmer masses not that National socialist ue berlassen,
who tries to produce a Siegestaumel among them. Many farmers believe despite
their hopeless and miserable position gegenw ae rtig to the Hitler
Hugenberg government. It applies also here to f ue r us, real internal
messages that To intersperse farmer in the fight against control
usury, mass demonstrations before the finance ae mtern and large
Combat forms. We m ue ssen under these masses of the village poverty, the
dwarf and kleinbauern and also the central farmers one broad propaganda
unfold, by we [ forwards ] them the agricultural policy of the Hitler Hugenberg
government as a policy ausschlie ss lich for the use of the Gro ss
more agrarier expose, and, those at the same time popularize the demand
with gro ss the EN trusts and companies storing enormous Vorr ae
width unit at goods of the t ae adapted life requirement, at agricultural
Ger ae tschaften and machines, to seize chemical D ue ngemitteln etc. and
divide under the poor peasantry.
We m ue ssen B ue ndnis between town center and country, which k ae mpfenden work between *** ern and works ae tigen Farmer schmieden. We m ue the ssen poor Farmer masses make, there ss only in B ue clear ndnis with the proletariat, only under proletarian hegemony, only in the fight against those Capitalist also the lot of the farmers to be improved knows.
We m ue ssen gr the oe ss width unit Sto ss strength unfold for the production of the proletarian and work ae tigen youth from the SAJ, but even from the Hitler Youth m ue ssen we individual and whole masses ago ue berrei ss EN. We m ue ssen against the hard labour, against those Penintentiary stocks and the Kasernierung with the work arbeitsdienstpflicht (13), against the militarization of the youth storm run.
Against the chauvinististic kriegshetze and imperialistic war policy
of fascism m ue ssen we mass propaganda f ue r
the proletarian internationalism, f ue r our liberty politics unfold. We m ue the ssen masses our program show as the program of the only way out of misery, NOT and Unterdr ue ckung, as
Program of the social and national release of the German people. We
m ue ssen them show, since ss we are the party, those
by the release of the working class carries out the unit of the nation, by it the capitalistic system up to its
Destruction bek ae mpft.
The most important however is, since ss with all our Kampfma ss took
themselves the line like a red thread pulles through: We
organize the active mass fight, the unit front of the act for release work ae of tigen people from fascist reaction
ae rer farmhand shank. Everything, our fight against the Nazis and German national ones as against SPD and center, mu ss of that Million-masses as part of this fight against the fascist dictatorship, against the Hitler government to be understood.
To the Schlu ss, comrades. I have already on those outer ss erordentliche
acceleration of the speed of the revolution ae ren
development referred to, like it with putting the openly fascist dictatorship up partly gone into action and partly only quite
out gel oe st is. From this serious consequences result. (14) We d ue the rfen today's work of the party not
resembleal with the work three or six months ago. We double and treble m ue the ssen efforts of force. We
m ue ssen r the responsibility of the party before the working class, ue in each comrade the Bewu ss tsein f, wake.
Requires, since ss each B[ezirks]l[eitung ndlichkeit ] with gr oe ss
ter Gr ue, without before it oe rterungen for hours to ue
ckzuschrecken, examine mu ss, which facts in the life of the proletariats are to be registered, those in this situation f ue r those
Combat organizing, f ue r the Ue berwindung gro ss the EN of speed loss, which we have in completely Germany, to be used k oe nnen. Ue more ber outside m ue ssen we ae always st more rker, also propagandistically, our cadres and the masses on the h oeheren revolution ae ren functions prepare.
We m ue ssen e.g. begin to make clear to the masses since ss also the
strike, even the general strike, not the h oe chste
Combat form of the working class is, but there ss it ue more ber outside the h oe heren revolution ae ren forms of the fight for those political power will give, on we after the Beschl the ue the ssen XII. of plenum the masses prepares m ue to ssen. Take or we the question of the militaryful mass fight against the bloody fascist terror. It is not clearly, there ss one today the question
thus to place can as before 30 January. Against ue ber Ue berf ae llen user ae on Arbeiterh, Parteih ae user, Gewerkschaftsh aeuser, Worker restaurants and dwellings of our function ae RH or in addition, of such the SPD, the realm banner and that
Trade unions, whereby the Nazis with the gun and the hand grenade proceeds, k oe nnen we not with slogans and protests
answer. Here m ue ssen we the masses to h oe heren forms of the militaryful mass self-defence, the closed active
Defense of the worker life and worker property educate.
That means no concession to the non-standard terror. That means only
quite no Abschw ae chung the course on those
ideological-political offensive under the National Socialist works ae tigen. In the opposite. We m ue ssen by our fight
against the Hitler government the " Begeisterungstaumel " of the first days with some sections of the Nazis rapidly ue berwinden and always more differentiate between the active, land farmhands of terror of fascism and the broad masses work ae tigen
Anh ae ngerschaft the Nazis. Ue more ber outside m ue ssen we also among the SA people an appropriate T ae decomposition
tigkeit to these formations of terror of the Bourgeoisie unfold.
Some words to the h oe heren missions and h oe heren revolution ae ren
passwords of the party. Like it wi ss, we have t in
Fight against rights and verse the oe more hnler (15) under the conditions of the relative stabilization of capitalism those
List of a special scheme and of Ue, like " check of production " etc. bergangslosungen, rejected. Under the conditions of relative stabilization w ae ren such passwords only the N ae hrboden f ue r opportunistische Illusions and a Abschw ae chung the revolution ae ren line of the party been.
In the Ma ss e, how we with rising revolution ae ren upswing st ae more
rker RH crisis ae to the revolution approach, becomes
the position of f ue r us bez ue resembled itself the list of Ue bergangslosungen ae ndern. Then the prerequisites are given its, with such Ue ae of ndiger increase the masses bergangslosungen directly to the attack on the capitalistic state, in st
on the b ue rgerliche class rule ue berhaupt to lead. Our password of the fight f ue r the fall of the Hitler government can
under certain conditions into the fight for removal the b ue rgerlichen class rule ue berhaupt, into the fight over
the conquest of political power by the working class and putting the
proletarian dictatorship ue up to be save-led.
That so, but be directed it does not need to be mu ss our whole Aktivit ae t and effort toward it, the masses so rapidly
as m oe resembled to the struggle for power heranzuf ue hren. In this h oe heren (16) revolution ae ren combat paragraph k oe nnen we up determined internal message passwords, which bergangslosungen between the past and the Ue were situated, as well as on publicising ours Final goal passwords do not omit.
What means that? Outgoing from such a revolution ae ren perspective, m ue ssen we erw ae towards whether not in rapid period that Bed ue rfnis f ue r a certain combat program of the party will be given. Such a combat program m ue ss width unit go out with determined internal message slogans, which have f ue r the present/immediate situation validity, like seizure of the Kohlenvorr ae width unit, that Lebensmittelvorr ae width unit, disarmament of the fascist terror guards etc. by the masses themselves, thus section passwords and Demands, those directly to a Versch ae rfung revolution ae the ren class warfare f ue hren and the masses on an h oe here level of the class warfare, passwords, those bring to direct internal messages of the masses for implementation to their Demands at suitable opportunities f ue hren k oe nnen and at the same time final ue ltig only with the conquest of political power k oe nnen are carried out.
Comrade! We as only are those Einpeit of the fight against the fascist
Konterrevolution. We m ue ssen that
Despaired and M ue that the way show. We m ue of ssen proletariats for the victory of socialism, mpfenden at the point of the k ae arrive. We whip the masses, which still in the numbers of the class-hostile parties, up, itself against their F ue more hrer too to join emp oe ren and the revolution ae RH liberty front. We are the only party of the fight against that
capitalistic state, as we are the only party, which anprangert the people-hostile policy of the capitalistic governments.
Zusammengefa ss t, comrade:
Iron course on the protection of the party and its Fortf ue hrung ge of the fascist terror ae despite all Anschl!
Concentration of all Kr ae fte on the development of each form of the mass resistance, the mass internal messages and Massenk ae pfe up the line: Demonstrations, strike, mass strike, general strike against the fascist dictatorship!
Unit front politics to the combat mobilization in h oe heren forms with
k ue of hner initiative! St ae rkster course on smashing all
parliamentary and democratic illusions, on the education of the masses to the outer ss erparlamentarischen mass fight!
H oe here revolution ae RH task, also in agitation and propaganda, for preparation of the masses and Heranf ue hrung
the masses to the struggle for power, to the fight for the worker and farmer republic!
H oe chste development of the mass initiative, the own Aktivit ae t and even ae ndigkeit the lower units and lines!
Revolution ae res Selbstbewu ss tsein, victory siegeszuversicht, attack joy with bolschewistischer N ue chternheit!
Hei ss t carry out all this: the fascist dictatorship strike and smash!
Vorw ae RTS in this fight! Erf ue llt your
revolution ae RH obligation f ue r the victory of the German working class!
Source: Institute f ue r marxism Leninism with the ZK of the SED,
Central party file, NL 3/42.
Fu ss notes:
1 this tte with Niederlehme - s ue d oe stlich OF Berlin - illegaly durchgef ue hrte conference ae in a Gastst which the read plenary
the ZK OF the KPD, which took place in fascist Germany and participated
to Ernst Th ae lmann. Its PAPER took several
Hours in requirements. As on the January plenum 1931 and the February plenum 1932 he treated globally the situation and all this
lmann the j ae he idiom worked substantial aspects OF the policy OF
the KPD. Th ae, those with the establishment OF the open out
one had occurred, more however already gave fascist dictatorship tiefgr ue ndige analysis OF the fundamentally Widerspr ue che
chen this Regi mes. From this analysis it led both the n ae chsten and those long-term functions to the Bek ae mpfung that Hitler dictatorship off, whereby it the questions of the mass fight, which stressed Einheitsfront-und B ue ndnispolitik. It deepened those Handling of the direct anti-fascist missions, underlined their relative even ae ndigkeit, and it lit up those
Questions of the way to the political power of the working class more differentiated, than it had up to then occurred. To that extent that developed
Paper not only an orientation also far perspective, but also Ue berlegungen
themselves, into the mental preparation of the
VII. World congress the communist international one and the Br ue of sseler conference of the KPD einf ue towards.
A manuscript or shorthand notes of the speech was so far not found.
There is only that Ausz ue ge unknown quantities origin
contained, which were taken up of the Nazijustiz to the indictment against Ernst Th ae lmann. Their - ae ndige vollst -
Playback takes place after the copy, which made Ernst Th ae lmann from this indictment. Occurring one
Apostrophes (...) are in such a way contained in the source. In some places the authors of the indictment have remarks ue
more ber contents of the not taken up sections of the Referats eingef ue gt. The informative content of these remarks became in
Notes shown, there it substantial R ue ckschl ue sse ss t ae on full contents of the Referats zul.
2 in the paper followed a representation of the development w ae hrend
the government of the general v. Schleicher (December
3 at this gr oe ss ten strike of the yearly 1932 from 3 to 7 November
took part approximately 22,000 workers. It arranged itself
against one angek ue ndigten wage cutses and were prepared by the revolution ae ren trade union opposition (RGO) and in
determining Ma ss e gef ue hrt. although the wage lowering, suffered the Papen government could not be prevented by that
Strike a heavy political-moral defeat.
4 Ernst Th ae lmann refers here to the fascist regimes in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia.
5 the XII. plenum of the EKKI, which took place from 27 August to 15
September 1932, should urspr ue nglich already fr ue ago
6 in the paper followed a view of the pro and cons, which resulted f ue r the Hitler government.
7 in the indictment: Unit front tactics.
8 the conference of the ZK of the KPD, which took place of 20 until
23 February 1932, was one of the bedeutensten consultation
of the Parteif ue
hrung the KPD at the beginning of the three ss iger years. At it outer took ss it numerous further to the members of the central
Function ae RH part, furthermore also representatives of eight brother parties.
Ernst Th ae lmann analyzed ae fteverh ae in his paper particularly attentively
the political Kr ltnis and the M oe glichkeiten, it
in favor of the working class to ae ndern. It required the fight against Hitler fascism at all fronts of the party,
decided too versch, and, there ss the main track link of this fight a flexible unit front policy its m ue proved ae rfen
ss width unit.
9 3. A conference of party of the KPD met from 15 to 18 October, at
it took 216 delegated from the party cells as well as those
District secretion ae RH, editors, department manager in the ZK and the ue brigen members of the ZK part. In the discussion 57
User, most to experiences of the strike movement to develop those the KPD and the RGO in September / October
1932 succeeded and with that the attempt of the Papen government were defeated to destroy the tariff right.
10 on this problems was continued to deal in the paper still, among other things with the small number of strikes.
11 W. Ith Lenin: The development of the revolution ae ren strikes and
the Stra ss endemonstrationen. In: Factories, Bd. 18, Berlin