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                                        The theories of the Hamburg rebellion 
 

Ernst Thaelmann
 

23. October 1925

Today before two years, on 23 October 1923, Hamburg rose to the barricades. Floated of the misery of the time of inflation,
pushed carried by the outrageous NOT of the working masses, of the spirit of the bolshevism the best, most revolutionary section that accessed Hamburg workers to the rifle and took up the fight against the capitalistic eliminators.

        Two years passed since 23 October 1923. Much changed in the meantime in Germany and in the whole world. We, the
communists, were struck and with us the whole German working class. The stabilization of civil Germany succeeded to certain,
limited extent. The Bourgeoisie draws new hope. The proletariat through-lived one year of the discouragement and the retreat. If we intend today the two-year Widerkehr Hamburg road fight, then it occurs not from the bare cause that the calender date 23. October returns. Anniversaries are not for the communists and the class-conscious part of the proletariats empty anniversaries, but guidelines for the class warfare, manuals for the internal message. The even political situation, in which we are today, requires with gebieterischem obligation from us that we detect the historical meaning and the theories Hamburg rebellion perfectly clearly.

        What were the CAUSES HAMBURG FIGHT? Was it only the agitation of the communists, was it the resolutions of illegal secret organs, how the civil courts state? No! The causes are situated more deeply. The rebellion rose neither from the blind coincidence nor the free will of a few conspirators. That Hamburg rebellion rose from the revolutionary situation of the autumn 1923.

The autumn 1923 brought the deepest, completely to Germany global, all layers and classes of the population moving crisis of the Bourgeoisie. The Ententeimperialismus had completed its destruction work. The ten months long Ruhr war was lost for the
German Bourgeoisie. The Mark currency, which was with the accession of realm chancellor Cuno on 8000, rose to 4,5 and 6
trillion. The workers could buy nothing more for their wages. Even " the most faithful servants of the state ", the officials, began to revolt. The central layers were ruined. The ghost of hunger walked by Germany. Powerlessly the governments of the Bourgeoisie faced the decay. Perhaps Stresemann, the realm chancellor at that time, explained after the Cuno strike, " that its government [ ] the last civil government in Germany [ its ] becomes ".

Already in the spring 1923 giantful strike movements in the Ruhr district and in Upper Silesia began. New waves of the class
warfare rolled in completely Germany near. The workers fought not yet for power, but only for the most urgent daily demands,
for the removal of the most burning NOT. The fight still predominantly carried out itself in " peaceful " forms. While the right
Social Democrats, who debit man and Severing to prevent already in the federation with the realm military generals and the chief of the police for bloody striking down of the proletariats prepared, set " link " Social Democrats of everything to make the
workers defenseless it from the struggle for power it with cliches abzuspeisen, it on the " peaceful ", parliamentary combat forms of the Vorkriegszeit back urge. But the logic of five revolution years was stronger than the Schurkerei of the right and the
cowardice of the left social-democratic leaders.

    From the moment of the fall of the Cuno government the spark of the civil war branched on by Germany. Already beforehand at the Ruhr, in Hanover, in Upper Silesia, in Bavaria and other sections of Germany one had shot. Now it became with each instant more clearly that a peaceful decision was no longer possible. The pityless fight by force between class and class became inevitable. From the strikes collisions became, from the demonstrations became bloody small fights between workers and police in dozens of German cities. The instant came, from the Lenin in its " theories Muscovites of the rebellion " in the year 1906 spoke: It showed up, " the fact that itself the general strike as independent and main combat form survived that the movement by elementary, irresistible force breaks through this close framework and a higher combat form, bears the rebellion ".

We approached this instant in October 1923 with uncanny speed. A directly revolutionary situation was available. There all
conditions for the victory of the working class were, except only one: the existence a clear, iron united, to lead indissolubly with
the broadest masses a connected communist party, which decided and were able to organize the spontaneous fight of the worker masses it.

The guidance of our party failed in the crucial hour. The entrance of prominent communists together with the left Social Democrats into the Saxonian government was correct only if this step served only one target: organizing the revolution, the movement of the masses, the accommodation of the fight in completely Germany.

Even this target lost the line at that time of our party from the eyes. Our leaders used their position in the Saxonian government not for provoking, but for the avoidance of the fight. Coalition politics were not it that they occurred the Saxonian government, but that they could be led in this government uebertoelpeln and, instead of leading the worker masses into the fight against the realm government.

    They forgot that the movement had to change " into a higher combat form ". They limited it on the " close frameworks ", it tried even to still stretch the close framework of the economic and political section fights " more closely ". They gave the job to abortexisting strike movements there " the crucial fight are approaching ".

    Our party as a whole was still much too unreif, in order to prevent these errors of the guidance. Thus the revolution failed because of the absence of one of its most important prerequisites in the autumn 1923: the existence of a bolschewistischen party.

    The SAXONIA POLICY ended with the combatless retreat. The realm executive, the invasion of the white generals, sealed the defeat.

Thereby is the history of October 1923 exhausted? No and again no! One committed still later several times the error to refer inresolutions and articles, even in speeches before the civil court only to Saxonia if one spoke of October 1923. But there was notonly Saxonia, but there was also Hamburg!

HAMBURG acknowledged in largest measure staff the Lenin's teachings, " the fact that the movement by elementary, irresistibleforce this close framework breaks through and a higher combat form, bears the rebellion ". That Hamburg rebellion formed, like itin the theses of the January executive from 1924 is called, the " Gegenpol to Saxonia ".

Those, which see inability, betrayal and Opportunismus in the history of our whole party to Frankfurt only, forget the enormous
theory Hamburg fight. They forget that the deep member masses of our party did not there-dawn by any means in passive faint,
but that they were decided to the installation of their life for fighting for power. And those Hamburg worker can say with larger
right than all different: Were not only those Hamburg ones, but also the citizens of Berlin, the Saxonian and all other communist
workers in Germany, which were ready for the fight.

The water edge had gone through the same development as whole remaining Germany. A wave of strikes and wage conflicts
hunted by the whole coastal region. On 20 October powerful unemployed person demonstrations took place in Hamburg. In
different quarters it came to the plundering of grocer's shops and to bloody collisions with the police. The spell mile was broken
through for years for the first time by force. On the Tuesday, which 23 October, in which early ones became, point 5 o'clock
soon into all Hamburg outlying districts the police stations of revolutionary combat troops attack, which disarmed police officers
all. All supplies of weapons and ammunition from the twenty-six surprised police stations took the revolutionary combat troops
with itself. When police headquarters its already near-gotten reinforcement sent assault commands and those from outside, the
combat districts were changed into armed fortresses. Hundreds of workers and worker women built barricades in the roads.
Unsterblich remains the fame of the red Barmbeck. The police troops marched in whole companies and battalions on, but they
had to turn around again and again unfinished thing, since their losses became larger with each assault. The Barmbecker worker
had trees pleases, which barricades pavements broken, from trunks, stones and sand the road acces. Behind this protection
resistance they fought like tigers.

The first combat troops were unarmed with the hand caper on the police stations. They got themselves the rifles and the
ammunition only from the police. 300 men was in the fast and trommelfeuer of 6000 mercenaries of the police, the realm
resistance and the navy. They were three days and three nights. They attacked, them fell, them yielded back, but they did not
result. They saved the honour of the communist party of Germany. They were the price preisfechter of the German working class.Hamburg was struck. The barricade fighters were thrashed. Only few were killed, which became best section imprisoned,
zersprengt pursued and. Still today they sit in the penintentiaries and fortresses. They gave by their heldenmuetige Verteidigu n that Hamburg high treason processes an example dafue r, like communists
before the b ue rgerlichen class courts to occur are.

The proletarian revolution bore more than a bloody defeat. It is never to it bleeds. It is st ae more rker, more proudly,
more decided further-walked. Those Paris municipality was depressed. The Russian revolution of 1905 ended to that
Galgen of the Zaren, in the dungeons, in Siberia. And it awaked nevertheless on the new! Also Hamburg is not dead, but
Hamburg is unbesieglich. New Aufst ae nde of the proletariats, new victories of the Konterrevolution is German October
followed. In Poland, in Estland, in Bulgaria the workers rose and were struck. And they will triumph nevertheless!

The Aufst ae nde of the proletariats is stages on the victory course of the revolution not only by its direct positive
Results, but particularly due to gro ss the EN teachings, it the whole working class einh ae mmern.

WHAT ARE THE MOST IMPORTANT THEORIES HAMBURG REBELLION?

1. One zahlenm ae ss ig small crowd of proletarians, those with gr oe ss tem hero courage under the banner of the dictatorship
 of the Proletariats ] gek ae mpft themselves, could with success against the twentyfold Ue bermacht gl the ae nzend organized and armed troops of the Bourgeoisie ae milit keeps risch.

2. Unverg the ae ngliche fame that Hamburg Oktoberk ae more mpfer consists of it, there ss it in a revolution ae ren situation to
that Weapons accessed, although they did not have the victory to 99 per cent in the bag. The Leninism teaches, there ss one the fight take up mu ss, if serious chances f ue r the victory are present. A warranty f ue r the victory never gives it in advance. Those Defeat in such a fight is a thousand times fruitful and valuable f ue r the future of the class warfare than a R ue
ckzug without sword caper.

3. The rebellion f ue hrte to the defeat, because it remained isolated, because it does not unterst immediately in Saxonia and in thewhole realm ue tzt became. M oe towards the workers in an individual place with gr oe ss ten hero courage, carried of st ae rksten Mass movement, the fight take up: They are struck, if not the proletariat goes in the whole country with them.
Even one therein, in organizing and summary of the entire working class in all industrial centres and Gro ss st ae
dten in the whole country, exists the ROLE of the COMMUNIST PARTY as Vortrupp of the proletariats. Even one
therefore we need an iron, v a oe llig closed, completely merged, absolutely disciplined party.

4. It is not true, since ss that was Hamburg rebellion a putsch, but he became from the sympathy of the broadest masses
carried. Even the police senator mu ss tend, there ss the social-democratic workers in Hamburg, this admit Hense to width unit wue rechtesten organization of the SPD, and with them " the furthest sets of the Bev oe lkerung to the communists held ". Ours
Schw ae che consisted only of it, since ss we did not understand, these masses fixed around us to crowds, it in time in all Teilk ae mpfen to us ago ue berzuziehen more hrer too schlie ss EN ue with them the unit front against the social-democratic F.

5. Over with the inevitably coming return Hamburg fight in much gr oe ss to erem Ma ss staff triumph to k oe
nnen, m ue ssen we like a wedge into the masses penetrate, them by thousand brackets with us combine, a real
proletarian unit front with millions workers form. In the trade unions, in all non-party organizations that
Working class mu ss gro ss it revolution a ae rer flat steel bar ue gel grow up, that together with the communists to the Tr ae moreger that coming K ae mpfe becomes.

6. As special lack into that Hamburg October days the absence of a strong R ae was felt tebewegung. This
Fact was not understood yet towards ue gend in the party. R ae width unit are the organs, which in a revolution ae ren
Situation the million-masses of the proletariats summarize, which R ue ckgrat the fight forms. This teachings d ue rfen we
do not forget also in the current period between two revolutions.

7. The seizure of power of the proletariats is not a unique ATS. It does not only exist in milit ae rischen fight against those
Troops of the Bourgeoisie, but it mu ss by work for many years and persistent of the communist party and the whole
Proletariats to be prepared. The coming winners ue more ber the Bourgeoisie m ue ssen through unz ae hlige Teilk ae mpfe
educated, to be prepared, organized. This is OUR MAJOR TASK in the current period.

8. It is falsely, there ss by the October defeat of 1923 a singular revolution ae RH situation an f ue r always " verpa ss t "
became. The defeat of 1923 was not just as few continuing, like the defeat of the Spartakusbundes in the Nosketagen
from 1919 a continuing was. The stabilization of the b ue of rgerlichen Germany does not have long breath: despite Dawesplan
and Guarantee pact. Better: because of Dawesplan and guarantee pact. Capitalistic stabilization in Germany experiences now its first " difficulty in breathing ". Gro ss the e result Hamburg rebellion is, there ss the workers the apparently unbesieglichen class enemy three times into its whole Schw ae che saw twenty-four hours long. To that Hamburg days have the workers
the Bourgeoisie at the edge of the abyss seen. And they will forget this instant never! We do not go to one
Versumpfung, but new K ae mpfen, we approach to the second revolution with eherner necessity in Germany.
Therefore oe blanks that do not turn on Hamburg rebellion " history ", but it is a sample f ue r the future.

9. The rebellion was an example f ue r gl the ae nzende, smoothly operating organization revolution ae of the ren fight.
But it revealed at the same time gr the oe ss ten to organizational error of our party. Those Hamburg K ae more mpfer besa ss
EN the full Sympathy of the workers in the operations, but they had organizational no connection with them. The whole showed up Unserviceableness, verh ae ngnisvolle R ue ckst ae ndigkeit our old social-democratic living organization. Those
Selection machine is not suited to f ue r the barricades! Heaviest L ue cke fighting front Hamburg in that was the absence
communist CELLCELL CELLS. A K ae mpferschar like those Hamburg ones, itself on cells in all, verwurzelte firmly
Operations and on the union of the broadest worker masses ue st tzt, becomes k ue nftig into ae hnlichen situation unbesiegbar
its.

10. Gr the oe ss width unit, most valuable theory Hamburg rebellion is gro ss the well-behaved Erf ue llung the ROLE THAT
A COMMUNIST PARTY IN THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION. The communists were not in words,
separate indeed the Vortrupp, the F ue hrung, the signpost/guide of the working class. They gave a clearly outlined to the
movement Target, an exactly formulated program: the dictatorship of the proletariats. In this relationship that is Hamburg fight on one far h oe heren level as all fr ue heren movements. The M ae rzaktion of 1921 e.g.. h ae does not lt a comparison with thatHamburg ones Rebellion out. Only because the party had the F ue hrung the fight fixed in the H ae nden, ae became from that Hamburg revolution ren for the first time in Western Europe the Marx Marx-Engels teachings understood and carries out, there ss " the rebellion an art and there ss gr the oe ss width unit main rule of this art the hrte OFFENSIVE ue with bold K ue hnheit and gr oe ss ter determination gef is. "

    Those are the most important theories Hamburg rebellion. The cruel training cash, which we paid to f ue r it, death was and
the Einkerkerung of our best ones. And nevertheless: These victims will hundredfold be worthwhile themselves. They did not
become only f ue r that  Structure of a party brought by Bolschewisten in Germany, but f ue r the future of the whole working class.

    Presently/immediately we are not in the period of the direct storm, the direct fight for conquest that
Power. We are in the period between first and the second revolution. Analyzes one the world position and those
concrete situation in Germany, then is not it f ue r each serious humans clearly, there ss gegenw the ae rtige " breathing space "
for a long time will last. We m ue ssen it well use, in order to learn to extend our Kr ae fte us and the working class too
train to prepare us and the working class politically and organizational for the new Hamburg ones days, in all St the ae
dten of Germany enormous return will experience.

    Even teilbewegungen d ue rfen we growing slowly in the current period of the patient small fight, which hen z ae,
no minute the meaning and the theories Hamburg rebellion forget. Our party carries out a crucial Conversion from the point into the lowest depth. It merzt the banknote revolution ae ren, word-radical spirit out. It eliminates those Remainders of the Sektierertums, the mass massenverachtung in their own series. It ae ndert their tactics, around itself still fixed,
still more closely with the social-democratic workers to connect with the masses in the trade unions and in the operations. It concerns the v oe llige transformation of their organizational bases near. She operates on the creation one gro ss EN links flat steel bar ue ofgel in the workers' movement.

    To the Erf ue llung these functions need we above all the patient, m ue hselige, hartn ae ckige daytime work. Meant that, those To leave politics Hamburg rebellion? No! If we lose it, we are lost. By the Ue bergang to the policy
the mass production and the Massenf ue hrung schmieden we the class base f ue r another Hamburg rebellion of
unequally gr oe ss erem Ausma ss, of much further consequence, of still deeper historical importance, than it was first.

    More than ever each German communist, each party member, must always and      unverrueckbar have each member of the communist youth federation, each      revolutionary worker the picture Hamburg October fighter before eyes in this period:       cold-bloodedly, death-despising, that thing of the working class boundlessly result in,     the rifle in the hand, before itself the barricade, for the receipt of the enemy ready and    the view on only one target directed, toward the largest, proudest target, which gives it       for a communist: the dictatorship of the proletariats.

The red flag (Berlin), No. 245         from 23 October 1925